New York City’s affordable housing crisis has reached an alarming state, with nearly half of renters spending more than thirty percent of their annual income on rent, and eviction filings surpassing pre-COVID pandemic levels.[1] The rising eviction rate continues to disproportionately impact low-income and marginalized communities.[2] The longstanding impact of antiquated, restrictive zoning policies, underinvestment in affordable housing, and mounting construction costs have compounded the housing crisis into a “state of emergency” in New York.[3]
In hopes of remedying this crisis, an advocacy group called Housing Justice For All proposed the Housing Access Voucher Program (“HAVP”), which seeks to provide rental subsidies to low-income and homeless individuals.[4] Advocates of HAVP argue that it has the potential to prevent thousands of evictions each year, ensuring they can afford stable housing and avoid displacement. By bridging the gap for households that do not qualify for federal housing aid, HAVP offers a critical lifeline to many families facing displacement and financial hardship.[5] However, despite widespread support amongst New Yorkers, the program remains stalled in the state legislature, leaving its possible benefits veiled.[6]
Despite its potential advantages, many barriers may prevent HAVP’s success. One of the primary barriers to HAVP’s successful implementation is the need for the voluntary participation of landlords.[7] As seen in similar tenant-based federal Housing Choice Vouchers, many landlords refuse to accept vouchers, citing concerns over administrative burdens and the risk of delayed payments.[8] In New York, only twenty-five percent of rental units are accessible to Housing Choice Voucher holders, which can be partially attributed to the widespread reluctance of landlords to participate in these programs.[9] New York’s severe shortage of affordable housing exacerbates the issue, as vacancy rates for low-cost units fall below one percent. The extreme scarcity creates a landlord’s market, where property owners can lease units almost immediately to tenants willing to pay market-rate rents without the added complexities of voucher programs.[10] With demand far outpacing supply, landlords have little incentive to participate in HAVP, as they can secure tenants without delays or bureaucratic requirements.[11]
Further, the financial feasibility of HAVP raises concerns that the program may not be as effective as advocates hope.[12] Advocacy groups estimate that the program will require approximately $250 million annually to operate effectively, yet lawmakers have been hesitant to allocate such resources from the budget.[13] Proponents of HAVP claim that a reduced reliance on expansive emergency shelters and supportive housing programs will offset the cost of the program.[14] However, the absence of guaranteed, recurring funding continues to act as a threat to the sustainability of HAVP if eventually passed.[15]
While HAVP aims to provide unhoused individuals with stable housing, its effectiveness may be limited by the severe shortage of affordable units.[16] Although rental subsidies can alleviate the immediate financial burden, they do not expand the overall supply of housing, leaving many voucher holders struggling to secure a unit.[17] Moreover, HAVP propositions fail to address the underlying scarcity of affordable housing in New York.[18] Although rental subsidies can alleviate the immediate financial burden, the program does not increase the supply of available, affordable units.[19] At first glance, HAVP appears to increase the number of affordable units by making existing housing accessible to voucher holders.[20] However, the program primarily prevents eviction rather than addressing the broader issue of housing availability.[21] Without policies that incentivize or require the development of additional low cost housing, even well funded rental assistance programs may fall short of ensuring stable housing for those in need.[22]
However, to truly enhance the effectiveness of HAVP, policymakers need to first implement a more integrated approach that works to solve the core problems contributing to the affordable housing crisis.[23] For one, there must be stronger statewide enforcement of anti-discrimination laws that prohibit landlords from refusing tenants based on voucher use.[24] While New York already has “source of income” protections, enforcement gaps persist, leaving many voucher holders struggling to secure housing.[25] Further, the state should offer tax breaks or subsidies to landlords who accept HAVP vouchers to incentivize participation.[26] By focusing on affordability and preventing displacement, these policies directly address the growing eviction crisis rather than diverting attention to long-term housing supply solutions.[27]
In addition, more effective solutions could involve implementing public-private partnerships.[28] These partnerships, which combine government funding with private investment, offer a sustainable financial model that could ensure the program’s longevity and address structural gaps in the housing system.[29] Also, leveraging technology to improve program efficiency could help HAVP’s impact by creating centralized housing platforms that match voucher holders with landlords and track its utilization to prevent delays and administrative interjection.[30] Again, these solutions may require significant upfront investment which may outweigh the short-term benefits.[31] A another solution for HAVP would be to have a mandatory requirement for landlord participation, as many voucher holders will otherwise remain unable to secure stable housing.[32]
HAVP may be a step toward addressing New York’s housing crisis, however, its current design is insufficient to achieve actual lasting change.[33] Without addressing barriers to landlord participation, increasing housing supply, or ensuring stable funding, the program will likely fail to achieve its objectives.[34] Policymakers must act decisively to ensure HAVP becomes a transformative tool for housing justice. Neglecting to address HAVP’s shortcomings or implementing solutions that effectively target structural issues will sustain cycles of displacement and inequality, exacerbating the affordable housing crisis.[35]
[1] Homelessness and Eviction Rising: New York’s Housing Access Voucher Program as a Solution, Cᴏᴍᴍᴜɴɪᴛʏ Sᴇʀᴠ. Sᴏᴄ’ʏ, https://www.cssny.org/publications/entry/homelessness-evictions-rising-new-york-housing-access-voucher-program-solution-havp [https://perma.cc/XY9M-ZXBV].
[2]Eviction Tracking System: New York City, Eᴠɪᴄᴛɪᴏɴ Lᴀʙ, https://evictionlab.org/eviction-tracking/new-york-ny/ [https://perma.cc/YV5E-6Z88].
[3] Mihir Zaveri, How to Fix NYC’s Housing Crisis, N.Y. Tɪᴍᴇs (Jan. 19, 2025), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/26/nyregion/how-to-fix-nyc-housing-crisis.html, [https://perma.cc/2U5Z-R9NC].
[4] Housing Access Voucher Program, Hᴏᴜsɪɴɢ Jᴜsᴛɪᴄᴇ ғᴏʀ Aʟʟ, https://housingjusticeforall.org/our-platform/housing-access-voucher-program/ [https://perma.cc/J3VW-9YJJ].
[5] Id.
[6] N.Y. S.B. 568B, 246th Leg. Sess. (2023), https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2023/S568/amendment/B [https://perma.cc/7YM9-UBD5].
[7] Jessica Lasky-Fink & Elizabeth Linos, Barriers to Landlord Engagement in the Housing Choice Voucher Program, Tʜᴇ Pᴇᴏᴘʟᴇ Lᴀʙ (Dec. 2023), https://peoplelab.hks.harvard.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/Barriers-to-Landlord-Engagement-in-the-HCV-Program.pdf [https://perma.cc/X58W-RJVY].
[8]The Use of Housing Choice Vouchers in New York City, Fᴜʀᴍᴀɴ Cᴛʀ. Fᴏʀ Rᴇᴀʟ Esᴛ. & Uʀʙ. Pᴏʟ’ʏ, https://furmancenter.org/stateofthecity/view/the-use-of-housing-choice-vouchers-in-new-york-city (last visited Feb. 12, 2025).
[9] Id.
[10] Id.
[11] Id.
[12] Noah M. Kazis, The Failed Federalism of Affordable Housing: Why States Don’t Use Housing Vouchers, 121 Yᴀʟᴇ L. J. 1318 (Nov. 2022).
[13] Colin Kinniburgh, Will Rental Vouchers to Prevent Homelessness Make the State Budget?, N.Y. Fᴏᴄᴜs (Mar. 29, 2021), https://nysfocus.com/2021/03/29/housing-access-voucher-program-budget [https://perma.cc/5G72-NB8W].
[14] Id.
[15] Id.
[16] Id.
[17] Lasky-Fink & Linos, supra note 7.
[18] Zaveri, supra note 3.
[19] Lasky-Fink & Linos, supra note 7.
[20] Housing Access Voucher Program, supra note 4.
[21] The Use of Housing Choice Vouchers in New York City, supra note 8.
[22] Zaveri, supra note 3.
[23] Lasky-Fink & Linos, supra note 7.
[24] The Use of Housing Choice Vouchers in New York City, supra note 8.
[25] The Use of Housing Choice Vouchers in New York City, supra note 8.
[26] Kinniburgh, supra note 13.
[27] Eviction Tracking System: New York City, supra note 2.
[28] U.S. Dᴇᴘ’ᴛ ᴏғ Hᴏᴜs. & Uʀʙᴀɴ Dᴇᴠ., Pᴜʙʟɪᴄ-Pʀɪᴠᴀᴛᴇ Pᴀʀᴛɴᴇʀsʜɪᴘs: Pʀᴇsᴇʀᴠɪɴɢ Aғғᴏʀᴅᴀʙʟᴇ Rᴇɴᴛᴀʟ Hᴏᴜsɪɴɢ, HUD Usᴇʀ (2016), https://www.huduser.gov/hud50th/HUD2-048-Public-Private_Partnership_508.pdf [https://perma.cc/KJ26-6AS3].
[29] Kinniburgh, supra note 11.
[30] Housing Access Voucher Program, supra note 4.
[31] Housing Access Voucher Program, supra note 4.
[32] The Use of Housing Choice Vouchers in New York City, supra note 8.
[33] N.Y. S.B. 568B.
[34] The Use of Housing Choice Vouchers in New York City, supra note 8.
[35] Citizens Budget Commission, A Building Crisis: The Quality-of-Life, Population and Economic Effects of Housing Underproduction, CBCNY (June 27, 2024), https://cbcny.org/building-crisis [https://perma.cc/YJR9-BY7G].
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